WELCOME TO DIRECT DEMOCRACY (COMMUNIST PARTY) WEB-SITE.
From Enver Hoxha, Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 655-724 On the International Situation and the Tasks of the Party
From the report to the 3rd Plenum of the CC of the PLA
February 13, 1957
The Political Bureau of the Central Committee considers it necessary to submit a report on the international situation to this Plenum because important international events have recently taken place, which are directly connected with the cause of peace and socialism, with the struggle to consolidate and defend the unity of the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet Union, and with the defence of Marxism-Leninism.
The aggressive imperialist forces, international reaction, anti-Marxist and revisionist elements have recently launched an open attack on the socialist camp, on the communist and workers' parties in the capitalist countries, and on the people of the Near and Middle East. The aim of the imperialists was and continues to be to split the socialist camp and defeat the principal forces which resist their plans of war and aggression. The attempts of the imperialists have suffered defeat everywhere, but they have not failed to influence the international situation and have caused a further rise of tension in the relations between states.
In analysing the principal aspects of the development of the international situation, we should examine, first of all, the problems which are linked with the consolidation of the unity of our camp, and draw the necessary conclusions for our Party to further strengthen the unity in its ranks, to further intensify its struggle in defence of the interests of our people and of the socialist camp as a whole, in defence of Marxism-Leninism.
One of the distinctive features of the events of these years is that during this period the international situation has marked progress towards the lowering of international tension, but has also suffered temporary setbacks which reflect the contradictions on an international scale between the forces of peace and those of war, between the forces of socialism and those of imperialism.
The great changes in the ratio of forces between socialism and imperialism, in favour of socialism, the emergence of socialism from the framework of one single state into a world system, have shaken the world capitalist system to its foundations. The magnificent achievements of the Soviet Union, the important and rapid successes of the People's Republic of China and the other countries of the socialist camp, have demonstrated the undeniable superiority of the socialist system over that of capitalism.
The Leninist policy of peace and friendship among peoples, the policy of peaceful coexistence, persistently pursued by the countries of the socialist camp, which complies with the vital interests of all the peoples, has found the support of all the peace-loving states and forces in the world. It has exerted a decisive influence on the struggle of the peoples in defence of peace, against war, against the arms race, against the aggressive military blocs, against the war-mongering policy of the imperialists, for disarmament, collective security and international cooperation. On the contrary, the policy of the imperialist monopolies, headed by those of the USA, has gone into crises: the policy of the "cold war" and "from positions of strength" has suffered heavy defeat. The national liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples has dealt telling blows at colonial domination. Within the capitalist system, the contradictions between the capitalist states have become more profound, and with the weakening of the positions of imperialism and the deterioration of the economic situation the class struggle within each capitalist state has become more intense.
It goes without saying that this situation is not to the liking of the imperialists. The lowering of international tension does not comply with the interests of the aggressive imperialist circles which base themselves on the policy of strength and which exact colossal profits from the arms race and from war. In fact, the lowering of international tension will not be achieved with the goodwill of the imperialist camp, but must be imposed on it by the ratio of forces changed in favour of socialism, by the forces of the socialist camp, by the efforts of the Soviet Union, of China, and other countries of the socialist camp, as well as by the efforts of the independent national countries like India, Indonesia, Egypt, Syria and others, by the will of peoples for peace.
The most aggressive imperialist circles are searching around for the opportune time and place to counteract, with a view to putting a stop to this process so dangerous to them, and are very actively preparing for war against the socialist camp, against the peace-loving peoples.
At what they thought was the suitable moment, the western states launched a broad offensive against the socialist camp, and with their aggression against Egypt* and the counter-revolution in Hungary, they went over to flagrantly aggressive activities. At the same time, the forces of imperialism and international reaction launched fierce fascist attacks on the communist and workers' parties in the capitalist countries. All these assaults were part of the general plot of the imperialist powers to split the socialist camp, to isolate the Soviet Union, to put down the struggle of the oppressed peoples, to crush the workers' forces, so that, by eliminating the main obstacles to their policy of war, they could pave the way for the forces of reaction and fascism, re-establish the colonial and anti-popular regimes in these countries, and regain their lost position and privileges.
The socialist camp has had to cope with all-round attacks. In this battle the forces of imperialism and international reaction were defeated. This defeat of imperialism was a further proof that the imperialist system is doomed by history, and that the future belongs to the freedom of the peoples and to socialism. But, on the other hand, these events show that imperialism has not given up the fight against socialism, that it will do its utmost to prolong its existence. The socialist camp, the communist and workers' parties, the peace-loving peoples and the progressive forces of the world will draw great lessons from these events.
One of the characteristics of the present international situation is the sharpening of the contradictions between imperialism and the non-aligned countries. As is known, the triumph of the Soviet Union over fascism, and the victory of socialism in China, the creation of the world socialist system have exerted a very great and direct influence on the awakening of the oppressed and colonial peoples, on arousing them to fight for freedom and independence, against the imperialist colonialists. The states which have recently freed themselves of the imperialist yoke, like Egypt, Syria, and others, are bourgeois, but not imperialist states; they pursue the policy of safeguarding their national independence and of fighting against imperialism and colonialism. Their struggle against colonialism and imperialism draws them closer to the Soviet Union and to the socialist camp in general, but they are not socialist states, they do not belong to the socialist camp. That is why they are called independent, non- aligned states.
The Bandung Conference* of Asian and African countries defined their general direction in international relations as against colonialism, for the preservation of peace, for peaceful coexistence and for collaboration among states of different social systems. Objectively, their stand is against imperialism. The peoples of the Near and Middle East are extending their struggle to gain and consolidate their independence. This struggle has inflicted very great damage on the colonialists. Many Arab countries have been liberated and others are fighting to win their freedom. The colonial system is completely disintegrating. French colonialism is breathing its last. Tunisia and Morocco have won their independence, while Algeria has been ablaze for a long time. The Algerian people are fighting with heroism to throw off the odious yoke of the French colonialists who, employing the services of the Rightist leaders of the French Socialist Party, headed by Guy Mollet, have launched an unprecedented terror there. Nearly half the French army is engaged in Algeria. The French socialists have been utterly exposed as the blind tools of imperialism and traitors to the French working class.
The bigger Arab countries are fighting with determination to consolidate their independence. For the purpose of further consolidating its independence, Egypt has recently nationalized the Suez Canal Company which the imperialist powers used as a means of exploitation and oppression against the Egyptian people.
The struggle of Egypt and the Arab peoples for independence has caused great damage especially to two of the major colonialist powers, Britain and France, whose monopolies are losing the colossal super-profits they make by plundering the tremendous resources of these countries. Suffice it to mention that the countries of the Middle East possess three quarters of the oil known to the capitalist world. At the same time, it must be emphasized that the countries of the Near and Middle East have major strategic importance to the aggressive general plans of imperialism. For all these reasons, the imperialists found in the nationalization of the Suez Canal Company a pretext for launching an offensive on all the Arab countries. It is well known that Israel's attack on Egypt was nothing but a provocation to justify imperialist intervention. In reality, it is the British and French imperialists who organized and launched the aggression against Egypt, while Israel is nothing but the pistol in the hands of the Anglo-French imperialists yesterday, and in the hands of the US imperialists today.
By attacking Egypt, the Anglo-French imperialists intended to deprive it of ownership of the Suez Canal, to put down Egypt's resistance and, by crushing the resistance of one of the major Arab peoples, to demoralize the other Arab states, to pave the way for depriving them of their national independence and for re-establishing the colonial domination. The assault on Egypt was the first step in this scheme.
As we all know, the Anglo-French-Israeli aggression against Egypt failed.
But the imperialists have not given up their plans to re-establish their colonialist system in these countries. Following the failure of Britain and France, the principal role in carrying out this plan is being played by the US imperialists. A clear indication of this is the so-called Eisenhower Doctrine.
In his message to Congress, President Eisenhower submitted his plan, in which he offers the countries of the Near and Middle East "economic aid", "military aid", and "the use of the US armed forces" in these countries, to protect them allegedly from the peril of international communism. In reality this is a new plan to enslave the Arab peoples.
At the time when the very existence of these states was really at stake, when Egypt was attacked by the Anglo-French-Israeli imperialist armies, the United States of America took no steps whatsoever to protect the Egyptian people.
Today, when the positions of the two principal colonialist powers, England and France, have been weakened, the US imperialists do not hesitate to go so far as to prepare a US military intervention in the Arab countries under the guise of protecting them from a non-existent danger. It goes without saying that the real objective of the United States of America is not to protect the Arab peoples from "international communism", but to take over the dominant economic and political positions in these countries now that the English and French have been ousted. This policy constitutes a great danger for peace in the Near East and in the world.
The Anglo-French-Israeli aggression against Egypt and the latter's victory have sharpened the contradictions between the Afro-Asiatic peoples and the imperialists. They condemned the aggression and backed Egypt. This victory enhanced their confidence in their own strength, in their just cause; it added to their hatred for imperialism.
Through its demagogic stand in the UNO towards the Anglo-French-Israeli aggression, the United States of America intended to enhance its influence on these peoples. But the proclamation of the "Eisenhower Doctrine" will intensify the struggle of these peoples against imperialism, and will also arouse them against US imperialism and speed up the process of their liberation. The Arab peoples will not consent to place themselves under a new yoke, no matter how hard the imperialists may strive to wrap it up in demagogy.
The resistance of the independent Afro-Asiatic peoples against imperialism enjoys the support of the Soviet Union, China, and all the countries of the socialist camp as well as of the peace-loving forces of the world. Facts are demonstrating more and more clearly that the situation in these countries has not taken the course the imperialists wished to impose. Their struggle against imperialism will grow fiercer until colonialism is completely wiped out.
The friendship between the Arab peoples and those of the countries of the socialist camp, headed by the Soviet Union, is a brilliant success which has been attained thanks to the peace-loving policy of the countries of the socialist camp.
Friendly relations have been established between our state and the Republic of India, Egypt, Sudan, as well as with Syria, Lebanon, Tunisia, and others. Formerly, our country carried no weight with any one, because it was a colony in the hands of the imperialist wolves. Today, public opinion in many Afro-Asiatic countries and distinguished leaders of these countries sympathize with our people. We think that Albania is of special interest to the Arab peoples for a number of specific but very important reasons: 1) The question of the liberation of the people of our small country from the yoke of the colonialists through armed struggle and with the aid of the Soviet Union, a thing which the imperialists and colonialists seek to obscure. 2) The question of the affirmation of our state of people's democracy as an independent, sovereign state, which has shown great stability, which has heroically and successfully coped with the innumerable attempts of the imperialists and their lackeys who, within these twelve years, have tried to wrest the power from the hands of the people but have failed in all their attempts because our people have fought heroically, because they were vigilant, and because our state had the backing of the Soviet Union. 3) The great progress of our people in the economy, in culture, in education, in social affairs, the improvement of the life of the people and their unceasing drive to build socialism under the guidance of the Party of Labour, a Marxist-Leninist Party, on which the big batteries of the imperialists, anti-Marxists, revisionists, Trotskyites and so on, have concentrated their fire. 4) Of interest to Arab public opinion is how in the people's democracy of Albania, in which the overwhelming majority of the population have been of the Moslem faith, and where many customs and the way of life have been similar to theirs (because both we and they languished under the savage yoke of the Ottomans for centuries on end), such great progress has been made, so many evil survivals from the bitter past have been done away with, illiteracy has been wiped out, modern socialist industry has been set up, the socialist order is being established in the countryside, the women have taken off the yashmak, and the state, while being resolutely non-religious, tolerates and does not interfere with religion and the beliefs of the people. All these questions and others arouse an interest in our country among progressive Arab opinion, and at the same time, love and great sympathy for our people. We have all the possibilities to make our Albanian reality better known in the Arab countries and to make our contribution, of course, to the extent of our forces, to the consolidation of the friendship of these peoples with the peoples of our socialist camp. The example of Albania helps these countries to realize that Marxism-Leninism is the beacon light to a prosperous and free life for the peoples. The very existence, and the happy and prosperous life of the people of a small country like ours, who live in freedom, sovereign, honoured, and respected, enjoying all the rights that a great state enjoys, is an example of this.
The main characteristic of the present international situation is the fierce struggle raging between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp, which is continually losing ground but still holds strong positions.
The strength of the socialist camp is the principal and decisive factor for the preservation of peace, the main obstacle to the aggressive imperialist plans, a base, an unwavering support for the struggle of all peoples fighting for their freedom and independence, for the preservation of peace and for the peaceful development of relations among states. It is because of this that the ruling circles of the imperialist states pursue a policy of war against the socialist camp and, first and foremost, against the Soviet Union.
The North Atlantic military bloc, the military bases which the imperialists, and first of all, the United States of America, have set up around the Soviet Union and the other countries of the socialist camp, the 100 million dollar fund the US Congress earmarks every year for acts of diversion in our countries, the unbridled war-mongering propaganda against our countries, the backing and mobilization of all the renegades and traitors of socialism, all these things are clear manifestations of the policy of war against the socialist camp.
At the last meeting of the NATO Council, the organization of counter-revolutions in socialist countries, to divide these countries and to undermine the people's state power from within, was considered as the best and most feasible method of this war.
In the scheme of their general conspiracy against the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, the counter-revolution in Hungary, which was intended to overthrow the people's power and replace it with the power of the large estate-owners and the capitalists, with the Horthy- fascist dictatorship, had an important role to play.
While launching the counter-revolution in Hungary, the imperialists were aiming, at the same time, to create a hotbed of war and aggression among the countries of the socialist camp, on the borders of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Rumania, and to split the countries of the socialist camp, to detach them from the Soviet Union and then to destroy them one by one, to disrupt the world communist movement.
The interference of the imperialists in Hungary is the principal factor of the counter-revolution. Long ago they organized bands of inveterate criminals, Horthyites and fascists, whom they smuggled into the territory of the People's Republic of Hungary during their preparation for the counter-revolution. They organized an unbridled propaganda campaign against the Soviet Union, against the socialist camp, against the Hungarian Workers' Party, against the people's power in Hungary. Numerous facts speak clearly now about this blatant intervention on their part in Hungary.
The activity of the imperialists found the support of the internal enemies, the enemies of the people's state power, the enemies of the working class. Horthyite forces were in considerable numbers in Hungary. The class enemy, dispossessed but not done away with, was not sleeping during these 12 years of people's power but working and awaiting the opportune moment to launch an attack, with the aid of the imperialists, against the People's Republic of Hungary in order to overthrow the state power of the people and to re-establish its own capitalist state power. Internal reaction was able to preserve its forces and organize itself even under the conditions of the existence of the people's power in Hungary, and then to pass on to open attacks, up to an armed uprising, because of the weakness and lack of vigilance of the former leaders of the Hungarian party and state. It is a well-known fact that during the stage of transition from capitalism to socialism the antagonistic classes do not disappear, that the class enemy is at work and uses every means to fight the people's power. To suppress the enemy, the dictatorship of the proletariat and revolutionary vigilance must be strengthened.
An important role in the Hungarian events, in preparing for and launching the counter-revolution, was played by the anti-Marxist opportunist elements, the traitors within and outside the ranks of the Hungarian Workers' Party, headed by Imre Nagy. This is not the first time the imperialists have used the Rightist forces, the opportunists, the deviators and traitors, in their fight against the workers’ movement, against the communist movement. The case of Hungary is a further proof of the mobilization of all the forces hostile to socialism in the service of imperialism.
At the same time, it must be emphasized that the errors of the former leaders of the Hungarian party and state, which created situations that were not good, had aroused great dissatisfaction among the labouring masses, and this was turned to good account by the counterrevolutionaries. Failure to recognize the forces of reaction and the concessions which were made enabled the enemy, under the pretext of combating the mistakes which could and ought to have been corrected within the framework of the people's power, to deceive the working masses and to launch their savage and bloodthirsty counter-revolution.
But in spite of all these things, the schemes of the enemy were foiled. The counter-revolution in Hungary was crushed. Responding to the appeal of the Hungarian workers' and peasants' government, the Soviet Union helped the Hungarian people to crush their enemies, to save their freedom, independence, their people's state power and socialism. By helping the Hungarian people in their fight against imperialism and their internal enemies, the Soviet Union discharged a lofty internationalist duty, and at the same time, performed a very great service for the cause of socialism and the whole world communist movement.
Assessing the Hungarian events as they were, as a counter-revolution launched by the imperialists in collusion with the class enemy and anti-Marxist elements and traitors to the working class, like Imre Nagy and Co., our Party maintained a decisive and correct Marxist-Leninist stand. Our Party's correct assessment was fully confirmed.
Any assessment of the Hungarian events which is not made from the viewpoint of the class struggle is incorrect, anti-Marxist, and inflicts grave damage on the cause of socialism, aids and abets the enemies of socialism, and is a hostile attitude opposed to the interests of the working class and socialism. The attempts of the leadership of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and all their propaganda to explain the Hungarian events as "a popular revolution of all the working masses", brought about not by the enemy but by "the bureaucratic political system and by the mistakes of the Rakosi-Gerö clique", not only have no foundation but are a hostile attempt to obscure events, to conceal and negate the class struggle, to deal a blow at the system of people's democracy, to sow confusion among the ranks of the communist and workers' parties, to lull to sleep their vigilance against the enemy.
There are many facts which lead to the conclusion that the Yugoslav leaders do not have clean hands in the Hungarian counter-revolution, but on the contrary bear a heavy responsibility for the development of events in Hungary:
a) After the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the opportunists and enemies of Marxism-Leninism in Hungary, under the banner of the struggle against "Stalin's mistakes" and of spreading the "Yugoslav way" as the "only correct way of building socialism", launched a big propaganda campaign to discredit the Hungarian Workers' Party and to split the Hungarian party and state organizations. Parallel with this, a wide campaign was launched for the rehabilitation of Imre Nagy, placing him at the head of the Hungarian party and state, as a man "unjustly persecuted", as "the man who should lead Hungary in the new situation". All this campaign was strongly backed by the Yugoslav press and the Yugoslav leaders. Before the outbreak of the counter-revolution, the Yugoslav press was filled with news and articles about the activity of anti-Marxist elements, about the hostile activity going on at the "Petöfi Club", and about all the anti-Soviet, anti-socialist and revisionist work going on at that time in Hungary. The Yugoslav agents in Budapest enjoyed full freedom of action, and together with the various groups of anti-party elements, carried out a wide-ranging campaign about the "specific construction of socialism in Yugoslavia", thus undermining the position of the Hungarian Workers' Party and the people's government.
b) When the counter-revolution broke out, the Yugoslav leaders were the first to greet it, through their press and through direct messages from Tito, as a "people's revolution". While all the Marxist-Leninist parties openly denounced the counter-revolution and Nagy, the Yugoslav press continued to defend the Nagy government. The Yugoslavs had stationed their troops along the Hungarian border, ready to move them into Hungary. As they themselves have officially stated, if the Soviet Army had not intervened on November 4, they would have moved their troops into Hungary. This is how far things had gone. The entry of the Yugoslav army into Hungary would have greatly complicated the international situation. At the time when the fascist counter-revolution had broken out there, Hungary, a member state of the Warsaw Treaty, was to be attacked by a foreign army. In that case, the member states of the Warsaw Treaty, including the Soviet Army already in Hungary, would have had to liquidate this hostile attack. It was only the aid of the Soviet Army in suppressing the counter-revolution that averted this international provocation.
c) When the counter-revolution was smashed, the Yugoslav leaders maintained a hostile stand against the Soviet Union, denouncing the aid it gave the Hungarian workers to suppress the counter-revolution, and described it as "intervention". Imre Nagy, who called on the imperialist troops to come to his assistance, and who certainly counted on the intervention of the Yugoslav troops, too, under whose leadership fascist bands murdered and hanged thousands of communists and workers, found shelter in the Yugoslav legation in Budapest.
The Yugoslav leaders and their propaganda were bitterly opposed to the reorganization of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Party and to the strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Kardelj came out openly against the steps taken by the Hungarian government. He demanded that territorial councils of workers (filled with counterrevolutionaries) should take power, and called on the Hungarian leaders to radically change the political system in Hungary. Taking into account that socialism was being built during the years prior to the counter-revolution, it is clear that Kardelj's demand for "radical change in the political system" means simply the liquidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the re-establishment of the capitalist system. In short, the attitude of the Yugoslav leadership and press cannot be considered as anything else but interference in the internal affairs of Hungary, in order to hinder the Hungarian party and government in eliminating the remnants of the counter-revolution and normalizing the situation.
The counter-revolution caused Hungary huge material losses, aggravated the economic situation of the people, created a great deal of chaos and confusion. The Party was liquidated by the attack of the counter-revolution and by the internal disruption of the anti-Marxist elements.
We should do whatever we can to help the fraternal Hungarian people, who are our allies, to heal their wounds as soon as possible.
Recently, in Poland, too, when the hostile activity against the countries of the socialist camp became more intense, unpleasant things have occurred which have created a grave situation, though they did not take the same turn as in Hungary.
Following the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the reactionary forces, Rightist elements, and opportunists launched a rabid offensive in order to denigrate the Soviet Union, the Polish United Workers' Party itself, and the people's power in Poland under the demagogic slogans of "fighting the cult of Stalin" and "bureaucratism," "for the democratization of the socialist system", "for a new Polish way", "for equality", "for non-intervention in internal affairs", "for sovereignty and independence from the Soviet Union", and so on. In the Polish press, even up to the organ of the Central Committee "Tribuna Ludu", more and more space was given to bourgeois nationalist articles and propaganda, to the propaganda of reactionary ideology. After this, the situation became even more grave when the reactionaries went over to open hostile activities, armed actions as in Poznan, and to anti-Soviet actions and demonstrations. Bourgeois nationalist elements were given a free hand, and taking advantage of certain mistakes that had been committed in the relations of the Soviet Union with Poland which should have been corrected in the normal way, they launched a frenzied attack against the Soviet Union in order to wreck the friendship of the Polish people with the peoples of the Soviet Union, in order to detach Poland from the socialist camp. The reactionary forces and Rightist elements began to belittle everything that had been achieved in Poland under the people's power, and speculating with and exaggerating certain economic difficulties created in Poland during this period, launched a big campaign for the re-examination of the political system of people's democracy itself, in order to replace it with a new system which would respond to the "new socialism", to the Polish "national", "specific" line. This hostile activity was given free play because there was a lack of party unity, because the leadership was disrupted by the opportunist elements and could not fight the enemies and demagogues with energy and determination.
The 8th Plenum of the Polish United Workers' Party* was held in a situation in which Rightist, opportunist, anti- Soviet slogans were predominant. Certain opinions were expressed and certain decisions were taken at the Plenum which seem incorrect to us. The Polish party and government may have made mistakes (that is for the Polish comrades to say) but we are of the opinion that these could have been corrected in the normal way, and not by labelling the 8th Plenum "the October Polish Revolution", "the Rebirth of Poland", and so on. The views and decisions regarding the leading role of the party in the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat, regarding the relations of the party with other, non-Marxist, parties, regarding the international role of the Soviet Union and the Soviet experience, regarding the agrarian policy, the Catholic Church, and so on, seem incorrect to us. This is an internal matter for the Polish United Workers' Party, but, as internationalists, we say that it is not clear to us why many comrades, who may have made mistakes in practice but who are veteran revolutionaries, loyal to Marxism-Leninism and to the Soviet Union, have been removed from the political bureau and the secretariat. We pose this question also because, when our Party has taken measures against certain leaders who have erred, it has informed the Polish United Workers' Party, as a sign of friendship and internationalist solidarity.
From the Polish press we gather that after the 8th Plenum there have been certain incorrect manifestations. Party meetings of activists and conferences have been held, in which in many cases veteran worker comrades have been dismissed and opportunist elements elected. Major disputes and disintegration began in the youth organization. The whole leadership of the trade union movement was removed and replaced by a new one. Many tested officers, including Rokosovsky, were discharged from the army, and the rehabilitation was begun of many officers, including the old ones, officers who had fled the country or who had served with the British Royal Air Force (RAF). Tens of thousands of persons were freed from jail. Many agricultural cooperatives were disbanded. The activity of the Catholic clergy was revived, and the teaching of religion in schools was allowed.
Our Party was not directly informed of what was happening in Poland, but taking into account what we learned from the official Polish press, we maintained a reserved but correct attitude towards these events, an attitude which may not have been to the liking of the Polish comrades. We have spoken frankly to the Party about matters that seemed to us incorrect, contrary to Marxism-Leninism and to the unity of the socialist camp, and we think we have done very well, and this is the way we shall always act.
Recently, the situation seems to have improved somewhat, nevertheless we think that many things are not yet clear. Gomulka has said that there were three trends in the party, namely, those adhering to the 8th Plenum, the "conservatives", and the revisionists who continued to hold strong positions in the Party. In the Polish press, incorrect, anti-Marxist and anti-Soviet views continue to appear. We think the Polish comrades are not making a correct assessment of the need to strengthen the dictatorship of the proletariat under the present circumstances, and they are not waging a resolute campaign against reaction and alien ideology. As their press shows, they are in favour of a milder attitude towards imperialism, they have reservations regarding the evaluation of the international role of the Soviet Union and the Soviet experience. The Polish leaders insist on the "specific Polish way to building socialism". So far, the Polish United Workers' Party has not adopted any stand against the serious opportunist, revisionist, and anti-Marxist deviations of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. As regards the causes of the Hungarian events, the Polish comrades do not agree with the view that imperialism is their main instigator. The attempts of the Polish comrades to secure aid from the United States of America and from other imperialists seem to us very dubious and dangerous actions, regardless of whether the Polish state is or is not in need of this aid from the Americans, whose only aim is to destroy and enslave our socialist countries.
We hope that the situation in Poland will get better, that the working class and the Polish United Workers' Party will overcome these difficulties. Like all Marxist-Leninist parties, we should work in the spirit of proletarian internationalism to help improve the situation in Poland, to consolidate the positions of Marxism-Leninism, to strengthen the unity of our camp, headed by the Soviet Union. We shall preserve our friendship with the fraternal Polish people; we shall strengthen our comradely and international bonds with the Polish party, and will not lack the Leninist courage and sincerity to speak frankly with the Polish comrades about matters which do not convince us and which we consider incorrect, just as they may bring things to our attention whenever they deem it necessary.
In addition to their offensive against the socialist camp, imperialism and international reaction launched fierce attacks against the communist and workers' parties in the capitalist countries. The enemy resorted to all possible methods, ranging from the exploitation of the Hungarian events to the organization of fascist assault groups. The communist and workers' parties in the capitalist countries courageously resisted the attacks of the enemy, and continue to resolutely defend the interests of the working class and Marxism-Leninism. But while the frenzied propaganda of reaction against the Soviet Union, against the aid it gave the Hungarian people, and the attacks of fascist bullies were unable to shake the communist and workers' parties, they did influence and upset certain elements in circles friendly to the party, in the ranks of the Leftist socialists, and even certain communists. Generally these were unstable intellectuals, not closely linked with the cause of the working class, the cause of socialism.
The enemy's attacks were especially savage against the French Communist Party. All French reaction hurled themselves furiously upon it, even organizing attacks by fascist groups, because in the French Communist Party they saw a major obstacle to the achievement of their objectives. Through its stand the French Communist Party repulsed the enemy attack and continues to loyally defend Marxism-Leninism, the cause of the working class, friendship with the Soviet Union, the cause of socialism. This has so enraged the enemy that recently in their attempt to launch a new anti-communist campaign they have gone so far as to propose in the French Parliament the disbanding of the Communist Party and a series of the most reactionary laws that existed in the time of fascism. But the French Communist Party, at the head of the working class, and all the democratic forces will not allow an act of this kind. The French Communist Party will know how to fight with courage and will defeat these new fascist provocations, too. Our Party holds the French Communist Party in high esteem, and has expressed to the French comrades its feelings of solidarity with their heroic struggle.
The anti-Marxist elements, together with the reactionaries and the imperialists, also launched an offensive against the Italian Communist Party. After the 20th Congress, when the imperialists and all the enemies of socialism tried to take advantage of the criticism made of J.V. Stalin in order to attack Marxism-Leninism and the communist parties, there were some wavering elements in the Italian Communist Party who went off the rails and undertook activities against the party, spreading anti-Marxist "theories" and hostile views against the Soviet Union and the socialist countries, popularizing the Yugoslav "specific" socialism. Some of the revisionist and hostile elements took part as delegates to the 8th Congress of the Italian Communist Party*, and there they vent their spleen against Marxism-Leninism, the Soviet Union and the people's democracies. A hesitant attitude was maintained towards these elements, and this, of course, had a damaging effect.
As you know from the press, unfortunately, comrade Togliatti himself, although a well-known revolutionary leader, has expressed some erroneous views. In June 1956, in an interview with the magazine "Nuovi Argomenti", he expressed the view that "the socialist system has degenerated". In the same interview comrade Togliatti expressed incorrect views regarding the international role of the Soviet Union and the universal importance of the Soviet experience. He said that today it is objectively impossible to have one centre of the international communist movement, and that this movement should have a polycentric character. At the 8th Congress of the Italian Communist Party, comrade Togliatti expressed incorrect views regarding what he calls "servile imitation of the Soviet experience on the part of the people's democracies", and in general, regarding the situation in the people's democracies. In his June interview he expressed incorrect views also regarding the leading role of the working class; even in the Resolution of the 8th Congress, where it speaks of the driving forces of the revolution, there is no mention at all of the leading role of the working class. At the same time, the attitude of the Italian comrades towards the anti- Marxist views of the Yugoslav leadership seems to us incorrect. At the 8th Congress, these dangerous revisionist and anti-Marxist views were not openly denounced, while in December 1956, after all those events, Luigi Longo, one of the principal leaders of the Italian Communist Party, even wrote a long article on the Yugoslav experience. Comrades, we say these things for they seem to us to be incorrect, and we hope that the Italian comrades will strengthen their Party in the Marxist-Leninist way.
From the problems that have been raised we arrive at the conclusion that the activity of the imperialists, their aggression against Egypt, the counter-revolution in Hungary, the attempts in Poland, the attack on the communist and workers' parties in capitalist countries, and so on, show that imperialism has not given up its preparations for a new war. Its aggressive plans are directed first and foremost against our socialist camp. The enemies of socialism, the enemies of our countries, take advantage of any relaxation of vigilance, of any weakness of the people's power, of any breach, no matter how slight, in the unity of our camp. Therefore, it is our duty to strengthen our revolutionary vigilance, to consolidate our socialist camp, with the Soviet Union in the lead.
I think it necessary to dwell on certain main questions that emerge from the analysis of the recent international developments.
I. On the Unity of the Socialist Camp
The recent events in the international arena are characterized by an all-round attack by imperialist reaction and all the revisionist and anti-Marxist elements against the countries of the socialist camp, and in general, against the solidarity of the world communist and workers' movement. The enemies are pursuing the old tactics of imperialism "divide and rule". The Yugoslav leadership has taken up the banner of the disruption of the international communist movement, and is revising Marxism-Leninism under the slogan of overthrowing "Stalinism" and the "Stalinists".
In order to split the socialist camp and the world communist movement the imperialists and revisionists are trying, in the first place, to isolate the Soviet Union by negating its international role and by discrediting it.
The leading role of the Soviet Union in the entire communist movement is determined by the historical conditions. This is an objective fact.
a) This leading role arises primarily from the significance of the October Socialist Revolution and its international importance.
First, it is known that the October Revolution marked a turning point in the history of mankind. For the first time in history, it established the dictatorship of the proletariat and imparted a major impulse to the revolutionary movement of the proletariat of the world. From the October Revolution onward the proletarians of many other countries, with the example and with the aid and support of the Russian workers, broke the chains of capital, and today the socialist system includes about 1,000 million people.
Second, the October Socialist Revolution marked the beginning of the crisis of the colonial system. Forty years after the October Revolution, a population of nearly 1,500 million of the colonial and semi-colonial countries has been liberated, the colonial system is in complete disintegration.
Third, the October Socialist Revolution was at the same time a revolution in ideology as well, because it put an end once and for all to the ideological domination of the Second International, marking the triumph of revolutionary Marxism in the international workers' movement.
b) The leading role of the Soviet Union in the international communist movement has become a historical reality also due to the universal character of the Soviet experience itself. The fact that the Soviet Union has been transformed from the backward country it was before the revolution into a powerful industrial country with a highly developed culture, the fact that the Soviet Union succeeded in scoring a great historic victory over Nazi Germany and militarist Japan during the Second World War, prove that the experience of the Soviet Union and the course it has followed are correct and of universal importance for all. The experience of the Soviet Union is not only the first but the most brilliant example of the application of Marxism-Leninism. But, just as the enemies of Marxism- Leninism have always done, the present-day revisionists, too, with the Yugoslav leaders in the front rank, are trying in every way to negate the universal character of the Soviet experience. In this respect much is made of the specific conditions of each country, of "national communism". No Marxist pretends that everything from the Soviet experience must be applied absolutely and in a stereotyped way everywhere; nevertheless, the fundamentals of the Soviet experience have a universal character. The practice of the world communist movement and of the socialist construction in the countries of people's democracy confirms Vladimir Ilich Lenin's words, that
"...certain fundamental features of our revolution have a significance that is not local or peculiarly national, or Russian alone, but international" [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 5 (Alb. ed.)].
In addition to negating the universal character of the Soviet experience, the Yugoslav leaders try to discredit this experience and present "the experience of Yugoslav socialism" as the only correct, and even indispensable, way for all countries.
c) The Soviet Union today is a major economic and military power enjoying great international authority. It is the country in the socialist camp which is able to provide the most help, both through its experience and its material resources, for all the socialist countries and even for the countries which are freeing themselves of the colonial yoke. This role of the Soviet Union is the natural objective result of historical development. It is not an arbitrary decision of the "Stalinists", nor can it be cancelled to satisfy the wishes of the revisionists. This role of the Soviet Union is acknowledged by all the Marxist-Leninist parties, by every communist. An article under the heading "Again on the Historic Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat", which was published in the organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China "Renminribao", we read: "In the interests of the common cause of the proletariat of different countries, of the joint resistance to the attack launched by the imperialist camp led by the United States against the cause of socialism, and of the economic and cultural drive common to all socialist countries, we must continue to strengthen international proletarian solidarity with the Soviet Union as its centre" [published in the newspaper "Zeri i popullit", December 30, 1956].
From the time it came into being, our Party, too, has viewed this fundamental issue correctly and has implanted it deep in the hearts of its members and its people.
The imperialists and the revisionists of Marxism-Leninism have launched an unbridled campaign of slanders against the relations of the socialist countries and communist parties with the Soviet Union. Both the imperialists and the opportunist elements accused the Soviet Union of having allegedly established incorrect relations with the socialist countries, of having allegedly enslaved these countries, and consequently, of having deprived them of their independence. They systematically incited nationalistic and anti-Soviet feelings. They launched demagogic slogans urging these countries to regain their "independence" from the Soviet Union, to establish their "sovereignty", and so on. The Yugoslav leadership went so far that Josip Broz Tito, in his speech at Pula, declared that the counter-revolutionary events in Hungary were provoked principally by the incorrect relations which had been established between the Soviet Union and Hungary. Hence, according to Tito the blame falls not on imperialism but on the Soviet Union.
But, comrades, it is known that the relations of the socialist countries with the Soviet Union are relations of a new type never seen before in history. Our relations with the Soviet Union, too, are based on the Leninist principles of complete equality between the two sides, of mutual comradely assistance, of respect for national sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs, on the principles of proletarian internationalism, on the principles of Marxism-Leninism.
Our country, which is the smallest of the socialist camp, can testify, better than any other, to the correctness of the relations that have existed among socialist countries. Our Party has declared that our relations with the Soviet Union have been correct. On the contrary, the imperialists and the Yugoslav leaders, who have "advised" us to free ourselves from the Soviet Union, have behaved as chauvinists, colonialists and enemies towards our country.
The sincere friendship of our people towards the Soviet Union, the fraternal aid it has given Albania, have not only changed the appearance of our country from the economic and cultural point of view, but have also strengthened the confidence of our people in their own resources, and consolidated the independence and sovereignty of our homeland. During the grave and difficult post-war days, when our country and our people were in great straits, lacking food to eat and clothes to wear, and when the independence and sovereignty of our country, won with so much bloodshed and sacrifice, were being menaced by the Yugoslavs, the comrades of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and J.V. Stalin said to the delegates of the Central Committee of our Party, "All this will be overcome. We will help you build your industry, put agriculture on its feet again, develop your national education and culture". They said to us, "You should develop your national cadres keeping in mind that the specialists whom we shall send should soon return. Albania must stand on its own feet". The will of our Party and of our people and the fraternal aid of the Soviet Union became a reality. Combines and factories were set up, schools and institutes were opened, railways were built, Machine and Tractor Stations, transport and other enterprises were organized. Many gifted Soviet cadres came to the assistance of our people and trained our cadres. Now, thousands of our own cadres run combines, factories, mines, schools and institutes. We acted on the advice of the Bolshevik Party. The experience of the Soviet Union has always guided our people. We shall profit from any valuable experience of other countries.
The Yugoslav leaders have declared that Yugoslavia is the first country which has been able to establish "correct" relations with the Soviet Union, and that these relations are the "pattern" which other countries should follow if they don't want to give rise to "disturbances" like those in Hungary. Our Party and our people as a whole have rejected this "advice" because in fact it seeks to tear us away from the Soviet Union and from the socialist camp, just as has been done with Yugoslavia.
It is known that the imperialists, who have set up a whole system of international pacts, blocs, and alliances, like NATO, SEATO, the Baghdad Pact and others, are keenly interested in splitting the socialist camp with a view to realizing their plans more easily. Therefore, the vital duty of our Party is to strengthen the unity of the socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union, to strengthen the economic and military potential of this camp, to strengthen the Warsaw Treaty.
Although it is a member of the Balkan Pact and, through Greece and Turkey, is connected with the aggressive NATO treaty and with that of Baghdad, Yugoslavia says that it is opposed to blocs. In short, the Yugoslav leaders advise us to disarm.
Great Lenin teaches us that the forms of ties and international collaboration between communist and workers' parties differ according to the historical conditions, according to the new situation and tasks which emerge before the international workers' movement. Under the present conditions, it is essential that the ties and collaboration between the communist and workers' parties should be even further strengthened, finding the most suitable ways and forms. Our parties are now concerned to find these forms to ensure as close and effective collaboration and co-ordination as possible. The Yugoslav leaders, on their part, have built up a "whole theoretical system" in order "to prove" that the communist parties should live separately and each go its own way.
If we view it in the context of their theories and claims about "the great international role of Yugoslavia" and "the Yugoslav way to socialism", it boils down to this: for the time being the communist parties should sever their internationalist ties with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and start building ties with Yugoslavia and later set up the International headed by Tito. These views are in opposition to proletarian internationalism and aim at splitting the international communist movement.
The duty of our Party, like that of all the fraternal parties, is to combat these views as well as all enemy attempts to split the socialist camp. It is our duty to fight with all our might to consolidate the unity of the socialist countries and of the fraternal communist and workers' parties. Our strength lies in unity.
II. On the Need for Ideological Struggle to Defend Marxism-Leninism from the Hostile Attempts of the Opportunists and Revisionists
The offensive which has been launched against Marxist-Leninist ideology is being waged on two parallel, if not co-ordinated, fronts, by the forces of imperialism and reaction, and by the opportunist and revisionist elements headed by the Yugoslav leaders. Their objective is to disrupt the ranks of the communist parties and turn them from the right course, to divide the socialist countries and the communist parties, to discredit Marxism-Leninism, and to deprive the working class of this compass, this essential weapon for the construction of socialism. The characteristic of this campaign is that it is waged under "Left" slogans, under the banner of revising Marxism-Leninism. Revisionism in the workers' movement came into being when Marxism scored complete theoretical victory over its open enemies, who therefore began to fight Marxism disguised with the cloak of Marxism, under the banner of Marxism. Speaking about the essence of revisionism, Lenin says that it tries to turn Marxism into a sacred icon,
"...in order to take from Marxism all that is acceptable to the liberal bourgeoisie, including the struggle for reforms, the class struggle (without the proletarian dictatorship), the 'general' recognition of 'socialist ideals' and the substitution of 'a new order' for capitalism, and to cast aside 'only' the living soul of Marxism, 'only' its revolutionary content" [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 21, p. 233 (Alb. ed.)].
This banner of revising Marxism-Leninism has now been taken up by the Yugoslav leaders, and that is why the imperialists consider them as a principal tool to fight communism. At the recent meeting of the Council of NATO, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the German Federal Republic, Von Brentano, put forward that NATO should support the development of "Titoism in the countries of peoples' democracy" because, according to him, "this method is more fruitful than the direct encouragement of uprisings". All the Western radios continue to call on the peoples of the socialist camp to overthrow the leaders of the party and the state and replace them with "anti-Stalinist" elements, to give up building "Stalinist" socialism and adopt the Yugoslav "national and specific" way to socialism. The enemy sends out proclamations signed by the fascist criminal Sadik Premte (now self-styled chief of the Albanian section of the 4th "communist" International), calling on our people to overthrow "bureaucratic" socialism and to follow the course of Tito and Imre Nagy.
The Yugoslav leaders present their "theories" as a "major discovery" in the service of the workers' movement and mankind in general, but objectively their "theories" and activities serve imperialism to fight Marxism-Leninism, the communist parties, and the socialist camp.
The Yugoslav leaders present their "theories" as the last word of Marxism, but in fact their "theoretical system" is a mixture of the rotten theories of the various anti-Marxist trends ranging from the anarchism of Proudhon and Bakunin to Trotsky, Bukharin, and the "workers' opposition".
The struggle to revise Marxism-Leninism is now disguised under three main demagogic slogans:
1) Great play is made with the correct Marxist-Leninist thesis about the creative development of Marxism-Leninism and the struggle against dogmatism.
Marxist-Leninists interpret the creative development of Marxism-Leninism not as a negation of its foundations, but as an enrichment of its theory with new conclusions and theses drawn from the experience of the struggle of the working class and of the development of the sciences. Whereas the revisionists, as we shall see presently, negate the basic principles of Marxist-Leninist theory, as for instance, the class struggle, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leading role of the party, and so on. But Marxism is a science, and the objective laws discovered by it are absolute truth, like the laws discovered by chemistry, physics, and other sciences. Therefore, they cannot become obsolete, or be discarded. Nevertheless, Vlahovich, Member of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, describes Marxism as "Marx's outdated theory", and the newspaper "Borba" writes that, besides "Stalinism" there is also the danger of outdated "dogmatic Leninism".
2) Great play is made also with the correct Marxist- Leninist thesis that Marxism should be applied in a creative way under the specific conditions of each country.
Marxism-Leninism teaches that in spite of the community of features and the fundamental general laws, the forms, methods and speed of transition of different countries to socialism may vary according to the concrete conditions of their development. Seizing on this, and under the slogan of "specific and national socialism", the revisionists are trying to divert us from the general Marxist-Leninist course of the construction of socialism and from the experience of the Soviet Union. Marxism teaches that the fundamental problems of the construction of socialism are common problems and that the laws of development of society have no national limits. Historical experience indicates that such common issues are: the dictatorship of the proletariat, that is, the establishment of the political power of the working class under the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party, the consolidation in every way of the alliance of the working class with the peasantry and with the other working strata, the liquidation of capitalist ownership and the establishment of socialist ownership on the principal means of production, the socialist organization of agriculture, the planned development of the economy, guidance by the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory, the determined defence of the victories of the socialist revolution from the attacks of the former exploiting classes and the imperialist states. The general course of the construction of socialism is the main road, it is, so to say, the boulevard. The specific features of this or that country are like side-streets branching off this boulevard. Not to follow this main road, the general Marxist-Leninist road, means to enter a blind alley. And the experience of Yugoslavia verifies this.
It is clear that the enemies of the working class view "national communism" as the main lever by means of which they want to take the socialist countries and the communist parties off the rails, and thus turn the wheel of history backward...
3) The whole frenzied campaign the imperialists and revisionists have launched against Marxism-Leninism, against communism, is carried on under the guise of the struggle against "Stalinism". Immediately following the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the enemies grossly exaggerated Stalin's "mistakes'' and blazened them abroad in order to discredit the socialist states, the communist parties, and their leaders, in order to sow ideological confusion and discord in the international communist movement. Under the pressure of this campaign, the opportunist and wavering elements raised their heads everywhere and set to work zealously against the revolutionary parties under false and anti-Marxist slogans (like "democratization", "de-Stalinization", "independence", "the people's well-being", and so on) in order to fight the Marxist-Leninist leadership of the parties and their correct line. Confronted by this situation, our Party acted correctly. It took steps to fight those elements who, under the banner of the struggle against the "cult of the individual", wanted to throw our Party off its track.
In the light of recent events it has been verified once again how appropriate was the stand of the Central Committee of the Party, which was unanimously approved by the 3rd Congress, in connection with the correct struggle waged against various opportunist, Trotskyite, revisionist, and traitor elements who, in their open and disguised activities, had striven to turn our Party away from the course of Marxism-Leninism, to deal a hard blow at the heart of our Party and the dictatorship of the proletariat, and thus pave the way to the establishment of capitalism and the imperialist yoke.
This was the aim of the enemies of the Party, of Tuk Jakova and Bedri Spahiu, the precursors of the other enemies who pricked up their ears at the Party Conference of the city of Tirana and whose treachery found a source of nourishment in the Yugoslav legation. The regrettable development in Hungary where the counter-revolution broke out fully confirmed the correctness of the line of our Party and its correct and farsighted course of action.
a) We do not agree with any of those who negate all the revolutionary activity of Stalin and see in it only the dark side. We think that Stalin should be appreciated correctly. J.V. Stalin, as we all know, is a great Marxist because, next to Lenin, he defended Marxism-Leninism from all the enemies and revisionists, and rendered a valuable contribution to the further development of this science. He has great merits in the preparation and conduct of the October Revolution, in the building of the first socialist state, in the historic victory over the fascist invaders, in the progress of the international communist and workers' movement. For all these things, Stalin enjoyed great authority, not only in the Soviet Union but throughout the world. On the main issues, in defending the interests of the working class and the Marxist-Leninist theory, in the struggle against imperialism and other enemies of socialism, Stalin made no mistakes, but was and remains an example.
I want to emphasize that the Yugoslav leaders, who are making such hue and cry about the cult of the individual in regard to Stalin, have this cult with beard on in their own country. In an article on the occasion of Tito's birthday, Bakarich, Member of the Executive Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, went so far as to say that the "Marxist" works of Tito are comparable only with best works of Marx, Engels and Lenin; this is to say that Tito ranks higher than Marx, Engels, and Lenin! Therefore we say that the clamour of the Yugoslav leaders and press against Stalin's "cult of the individual" is not intended to defend Marxist- Leninist principles, but to discredit the socialist system, to discredit the Marxist-Leninist leaders of the communist parties, for the purpose of revising Marxism-Leninism, and paving the way to "Yugoslav socialism".
b) The correct assessment of Stalin's activity is important because for 30 years after Lenin he was at the head of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and led the Soviet Union and the international workers' movement. In blackening Stalin, the enemies are not concerned about him as a person, but their aim is to discredit the Soviet Union, the socialist system, and the international communist movement, consequently, to undermine the workers' faith in socialism.
In a speech he delivered at Pula in November last year, Tito said, "Right from the start we have said that it is not just a question of the cult of the individual, but of the system which made it possible for the cult of the individual to be created, because here lie its roots, because this is what should be attacked constantly and persistently".
Thus, according to the Yugoslav leaders, the cult of the individual is the offspring of the Soviet system, therefore, this system should be revised (if not overthrown) and should be replaced by the "democratic Yugoslav" system. It is obvious which mill this is grist to. The ideologists of the bourgeoisie are doing their utmost to prove that Stalin's "mistakes" are the natural outcome of the Soviet system, that this system is "a mistake", "an abortive experiment", therefore the workers should give up socialism and work for "people's capitalism". These distorted claims have been refuted by the whole history of the development of the Soviet system which has ensured colossal successes for the Soviet Union, which has emerged triumphant from the most difficult historical tests and has set a brilliant example for all the workers who are fighting to free themselves and build a better life.
c) The banner of the struggle against "Stalinism" serves the Yugoslav leaders and all the revisionists as a mask to settle accounts with all their opponents. This is the way they go about it: they describe the correct Marxist-Leninist theses as "Stalinist dogmatism", the communist parties and their leaders, who are loyal to Marxism-Leninism, as "Stalinists", our state and economic systems as "Stalinist bureaucratism," and according to them, everything "Stalinist" should be wiped out and replaced by "anti-Stalinist". The division of parties and communists into "Stalinist" and "anti-Stalinist", and the declaration of war against the "Stalinists", as the Yugoslav leaders have done, only serves to split the workers' movement.
Seizing on the mistakes and shortcomings which they attribute to Stalin, they deny all the results which the Soviet Union, the people's democracies, and the communist parties have achieved during these years. They say that the socialist states and the international communist movement are in crisis because they are suffering from "Stalinism". They propose as a way out "the Yugoslav road to the construction of socialism". They say that Yugoslavia has managed to steer clear of "Stalinism" because it severed relations with the socialist camp in 1948, and therefore, Yugoslavia alone has found the right road for the building of socialism, which should now serve as a model for all countries. A lot of propaganda is made to present "Yugoslav socialism" as flawless and as the only correct model, even as the only possible model for the construction of socialism by all countries.
But how do things stand in reality? Has the "Yugoslav way" shown any superiority? On the contrary, the Yugoslav leaders themselves admit serious weaknesses in the social order, and especially in the economy of their country. We know what "democracy" the UDB* ensures the Yugoslav workers. The Yugoslav leaders themselves have confirmed the great disintegration in the League of Communists of Yugoslavia since the directive was issued for their Party to play merely an educative role.
It is known that the main thing is to re-organize the economy which is the base of the whole society. The Yugoslav leaders have a great deal to say about the reorganization of the Yugoslav economy, but what results has it yielded? According to Yugoslav statistics, the productivity of labour in Yugoslavia is lower than in 1939. In 1955 the general retail price index was 27 per cent above that of 1952. Individual economies prevail in the Yugoslav countryside. After the re-organization of the agricultural cooperatives during 1953-55, of the 4,192 agricultural cooperatives which had been set up, only 896 have survived. In the period from 1952 to 1953, an area of 358,000 ha of land was left unworked, while in 1955-56 there were 575,000 ha unworked. Production of grain has not reached the pre-war level, and the deficit of grain amounts to from 600,000 to 650,000 tons each year. The Yugoslav economy depends heavily on the aid of the United States of America, which has provided it with aid amounting to 1,200 million US dollars. It goes without saying that the US imperialists have not given Yugoslavia this colossal aid out of their desire to help build socialism. Is it conceivable that imperialism would help you build socialism so that you can dig its grave as soon as possible? And even less can this be presented as "the model of the best way of building socialism".
Anyway, it is up to the Yugoslav "communists" and workers to go one way or another, to preserve the forms they think best. Regardless of the fact that such matters may not be to our liking, we do not interfere in their internal affairs. But Tito and the Yugoslav press, who have declared themselves to be ardent partisans of "the different ways to build socialism" and of not "interfering" in internal affairs, not only do their utmost to advertise "the Yugoslav way" as the only "good recipe", but present "theoretical" arguments to show that this way is objectively essential for all our countries. They claim that our "Stalinist" systems are at variance with objective laws, and therefore must be replaced by the Yugoslav system, because, otherwise, we shall be doomed to suffer the same fate as Hungary. Consistent with this, Tito and Kardelj called the fascist counter-revolution in Hungary a revolution to overthrow "the Stalinist regime", and Maria Vilfan, Secretary of the Foreign Commission of the Socialist Union of the Workers of Yugoslavia, terms it "the beginning of the revival of Eastern Europe". The Yugoslav leaders have openly declared they have taken upon themselves the task of imposing their way on the other parties even "through a protracted and arduous struggle". And those who do not accept the Yugoslav way the Yugoslav leaders and press describe as "Stalinists,” and they appeal to the communists to overthrow them and replace them with supporters of the "new course". In Pula, Tito said that the future development of the workers' movement depends on "whether the new course begun in Yugoslavia will triumph in the communist parties ... or whether the Stalinist course will triumph again", and he added, "Yugoslavia dare not withdraw into its own shell, it should strive in all directions ... so that the new spirit may triumph".
Taking all this into account, the claims of the Yugoslav leadership and of the "Borba", that they have no intention of imposing their way on others, that they are unjustly "accused" of this, sound very strange indeed!
You see, comrades, what dangers revisionism represents today! This is why our Party and all other Marxist-Leninist parties should sharpen their vigilance, and resolutely and unhesitatingly attack all the revisionists and renegades from Marxism-Leninism.
I want to dwell also on certain other fundamental issues of Marxist-Leninist theory about which the revisionists strive to spread ideological confusion.
In Hungary, the reactionaries, and the anti-Marxist and anti-Leninist elements concentrated all their batteries on the Hungarian Workers' Party, exploited the mistakes and weaknesses of the Party in order to defame its Central Committee and to disintegrate and split the Party, strove to discredit the Party before the masses and turn the wavering elements and all the enemies against it, to remove the Party from the leadership of the state, and with the setting up of Imre Nagy's "coalition" government, power was in fact turned over to the reactionary parties and the counter-revolutionary councils which tried to exterminate the communists through terror and massacres. Thus, at the most tragic moments, the Hungarian people were left without leadership, and were unable to close the door to the fascist counter-revolution in time and with the necessary force. It was proved once again that the dictatorship of the proletariat cannot exist without the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party.
But precisely at this moment the Yugoslav leaders are spreading opportunist views regarding the negation of the leading role of the party. Mihalko Todorovich writes, "... socialism has gained a much broader political and social basis. This is not a matter of certain specific parties nor of the working class alone, it is the concern of the overwhelming majority of the people, a national question of many countries and of nearly every country".
Kardelj says, "The role of the party is confined more and more to an educative role, thus its connection with the apparatus of the state administration is broken".
In Poland, too, both the reactionaries and the opportunist elements are speaking against the leadership of the party under the slogan of democratization, and similar views are appearing in their press, too, while at the trade union plenum and at the national conference of youth a great deal was said about the independence of the mass organizations from the party.
All the experience of history shows how dangerous it is to deny the leading role of the party of the working class, which, in fact, amounts to depriving the working class of its own party. The leadership of the Marxist- Leninist party is a vital necessity to the carrying out of the socialist revolution and the construction of socialism and communism, because only the party is equipped with Marxist-Leninist science which enables it to recognize the objective laws of society, because the party alone is capable of directing and co-ordinating the activity of all the organizations of the working class. Combating the views of the "workers' opposition", Lenin wrote:
"Marxism teaches — and this tenet... has been confirmed ... in practice by our revolution — that only the political party of the working class, i.e., the Communist Party, is capable of uniting, training and organizing a vanguard of the proletariat and of the whole mass of the working people that alone will be capable of withstanding the inevitable petty-bourgeois vacillations of this mass, and the inevitable traditions and relapses of narrow craft unionism or craft prejudices among the proletariat, and of guiding all the united activities of the whole of the proletariat, i.e., of leading it politically, and through it the whole mass of the working people. Without this the dictatorship of the proletariat is impossible.
The wrong understanding of the role of the Communist Party in its relations to the non-party proletariat and in the relation of the first and second factors to the whole mass of the working people is a radical theoretical departure from communism and a deviation towards syndicalism and anarchism, and this deviation permeates all the views of the 'Workers' Opposition' group". [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 32, pp. 283-284 (Alb. ed.).]
You see, comrades, to deny the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party implies to deprive the working class of its leading staff, to completely disarm the working class in the interests of the bourgeoisie, to betray the working class.
Kardelj justifies his erroneous thesis regarding the role of the party with the absurd pretext that the leadership of the party "is incompatible with the truly decisive role of the masses of producers...", and explains the desire of the communists to strengthen their party by saying that they have been taught "to have no faith in the masses". But the classics of Marxism-Leninism and experience have proven that not only does the existence of the party not hinder the role of the masses as makers of history, but only under the leadership of the Communist Party can the working class and all the working people play this role successfully.
“…the proletariat", says Engels, "becomes a force from the moment it creates an independent workers' party". [K. Marx-F. Engels, Works, 2nd Rus. ed., vol. 16, p. 69.]
The Yugoslav leaders cover up their distorted views on the role of the party under the banner of "de-Stalinization and democratization". Kardelj says that the working class and the working masses should exert a direct influence on the political system, not through the party or through its leadership, and considers the leadership of the party as the personification of bureaucratic despotism. This is, in fact, the old thesis of the German "principled opposition", of the Trotskyites, of the opportunists, as well as of the bourgeois ideologists who, with reference to the leading role of the party in the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat, have said that it is not the dictatorship of the working class that exists in the Soviet Union but the "dictatorship of the party", "the dictatorship of cadres" [CF. V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 34 (Alb. ed.)]. Their aim was to deny the democratic character of the socialist state and to put the masses in opposition to the leadership and the party. Every state, of whatever type it may be, is led by the ruling class through its respective party. No state is exempt from this "bureaucracy". Thus, to pretend to "democratize" the country by doing away with the leadership of the Marxist-Leninist party means to turn over leadership to another party. All history, as well as the experience of recent events, confirms this.
The main question of every revolution is the question of power. From recent events, especially from these in Hungary, the communists drew important lessons for the strengthening of the dictatorship of the proletariat, while the ideologists of the bourgeoisie and the revisionists of Marxism-Leninism took advantage of these moments to disinter all the rotten slanders and "theories" against the dictatorship of the proletariat. The Yugoslav leadership has raised the negation of the dictatorship of the proletariat to a "theoretical system". Kardelj's speech in Oslo and his more recent speech lead to one conclusion: do away with "the mechanism of the state of the transition period", that is, the dictatorship of the proletariat. For this he seizes on anything, the events in Hungary, the struggle against "Stalinism" and "bureaucratism", the de-centralism of the Yugoslav "direct democracy in production", he even curses the Jacobin dictatorship, although Lenin has said,
"The Jacobins of 1793 have gone down in history for the great example of a truly revolutionary struggle against the class of the exploiters by the class of the working people and the oppressed who have taken all state power into their own hands" [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 25, p. 54 (Alb. ed.)].
Kardelj and Co. fight against the Marxist-Leninist theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat and call it a fight against "Stalinism". But, as is known, in his "Critique of the Gotha Program" Marx says that in the period of the transition from capitalism to communism "the state can be nothing but the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat." [K. Marx-F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. 2, p. 23 (Alb. ed.).] Marx and Lenin fought the anarchists and revisionists who wanted to deprive the working class of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the indispensable means for building communist society.
a) First of all, the dictatorship of the proletariat is essential in order to expropriate the exploiting classes, and then to suppress their attempts and those of the imperialist states which jointly try in every way to re-establish capitalism.
The ideologists of the bourgeoisie and the revisionists try to discredit the dictatorship of the proletariat accusing it of being anti-democratic. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the only state which for the first time in history ensures real democracy, because it is the state power of the working class in alliance with the working peasantry to suppress the minority — the exploiting class — because it is based on the socialist ownership of the means of production and on freeing the masses from exploitation. Whereas, the most advanced bourgeois democracy is essentially anti-democratic, false, and deceptive, for it is the dictatorship of the minority, the weapon of the bourgeoisie to oppress and exploit the overwhelming majority of the population. Even during the period of the most severe class struggle, the socialist state is a thousand times more democratic than the most democratic bourgeois republic; they cannot even be compared. This does not mean we reconcile ourselves to violations of democracy and the law. Such things must not be allowed, for otherwise the very foundations of the dictatorship of the proletariat would be weakened and undermined, and the very existence of this dictatorship would be endangered. We must constantly struggle to develop socialist democracy, to further strengthen the alliance of the working class with the labouring peasantry and with the other working masses.
In connection with the events in Hungary, the enemies of socialism and the revisionists are preaching that the dictatorship of the proletariat should be liberalized by "moderating" its domination over the exploiting classes, by granting freedom to the enemies of socialism. The world outlook and views of Tuk Jakova and Bedri Spahiu are identical with these preachings. The events in Hungary demonstrated that such a policy would mean that the working class, with its own hands, would be opening the gates to the counter-revolution, to the overthrow of the state power of the working class, to the re-establishment of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Our Party has never trodden on the rotten planks where the revisionists want to lead it. Our Party has been guided by the teachings of Lenin who says:
"The dictatorship of the proletariat does not signify a cessation of the class struggle, but its continuation in a new form and with new weapons" [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 32, p. 553 (Alb. ed.)].
"The dictatorship of the proletariat means a most determined and most ruthless war waged by the new class against a more powerful enemy, the bourgeoisie, whose resistance is increased tenfold by their overthrow..." [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 8 (Alb. ed.)].
"The dictatorship of the proletariat means a persistent struggle — bloody and bloodless, violent and peaceful, military and economic, educational and administrative — against the forces and traditions of the old society". [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 33 (Alb. ed.)].
During the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat, freedom and democracy are guaranteed only to the broad masses of workers, while for the exploiting classes, which are overthrown but not wiped out, for the enemies of socialism, for the agents of imperialism, there is only domination, there is no freedom or democracy. Lenin bid the 1919 Hungarian proletarian regime to adopt:
"...the ruthlessly severe, swift and resolute use of force... Whoever does not understand this is not a revolutionary, and must be removed from the post of leader or adviser of the proletariat" [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 29, p. 430 (Alb. ed.)].
The working class should use violence according to the degree of resistance of the exploiting classes, and without hesitation.
b) The dictatorship of the proletariat is indispensable to the construction of socialist and communist society. In opposition to this, the Yugoslav leaders advance the theory of the "system of direct democracy" which is based on the negation of the role of the state in building socialist society.
This "theory" of the Yugoslav leadership has been taken from the arsenal of theories of Proudhon and Bakunin, of decists* and the "workers' opposition", of Trotsky and Bukharin. In order to persuade us, Kardelj goes so far as to say, "after the Paris Commune, Marx and Engels, seeing the danger of bureaucracy, gave up the idea that the state is the main means of the proletariat to transform society economically". But in reality, Marx and Engels criticized the Paris Commune,
"...for not having used it freely enough" [K. Marx-F. Engels, Selected Works, vol. 1, p. 607 (Alb ed.)],
that is, the force of the state power to solve the tasks of economic transformation.
The centralized management of the economy is an objective necessity which the development of large-scale industrial production gives rise to. It is more than ever necessary in a socialist economy which is based on common ownership of the means of production, and in which the objective law of the proportional and planned development of the economy is in action.
Democratic centralism has stood the test of life. The economic development which has been achieved in the Soviet Union and in the people's democracies is the result of the planned management of the economy by the state. If it is not combined with democracy, the centralized management of the economy gives rise to bureaucratic distortions and limits local initiative. But this does not lead to Kardelj's conclusion that the socialist state must give up the leading role in the management of the national economy. The decentralization which the Yugoslav leaders preach denies the leading role of the party and the dictatorship of the proletariat, contains the danger of the spontaneity and anarchy of the market, undermines the planning of the economy, and deepens the class differentiation. This is borne out by the reality of Yugoslavia.
The Yugoslav leaders praise to the heavens "the workers' councils of self-administration of the enterprise" as the means to solve everything, as the elixir of life. Two problems are involved here, namely, ownership and management. In order to fight the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Yugoslav leaders go so far as to say that state ownership in socialism is not socialism, but state capitalism, and M. Todorovich shamelessly draws the conclusion that "the socialist state robs the workers" ("Nasha Stvarnost", N° 7, 8, 1956). They want the enterprises to be taken out of the hands of the socialist state which represents the interests of the whole society, and to be turned over to groups of producers, just as Proudhon and the "workers' opposition" wanted. In the "Communist Manifesto", Marx and Engels said that the socialist state should centralize all the means of production in its hands.
As regards the "self-administration of enterprises", the workers' councils have not justified themselves. The Yugoslav press and even Tito and Kardelj themselves admit that this form of management has given rise to anarchist trends, competition, misuse of financial and material means for unnecessary things, to the spirit of speculation through manipulation of prices, and so on. The value of the various forms of economic administration is gauged by how much they help the development of the economy of the country. But the state of the Yugoslav economy (as we have already said) shows what results "the system of direct democracy" in Yugoslavia has yielded. The Yugoslav economy is crawling along on the charity of US imperialism.
Lenin has continually stressed that the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat is the most essential part of Marxism, that acceptance or rejection of the dictatorship of the proletariat constitutes the deepest difference between Marxism and the ideology of the usual petty- (and the big) bourgeoisie. Therefore, those who revise the Marxist theory on the dictatorship of the proletariat under the banner of the struggle against "Stalinism" and "bureaucratism" reject Marxism-Leninism as a whole. They are really betraying the proletariat and defecting to the bourgeoisie.
We must not do away with the dictatorship of the proletariat, as Kardelj advocates, but must strengthen it as much as possible, we must not allow any weakening or liberalization of it, must not permit confusion and disorganization in its ranks for this is what our enemies want.
The Yugoslav leaders have a lot to say about the "withering away" of the state, but Marxism-Leninism teaches that this question arises only when the decisive world victory of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie has been achieved and the danger of the restoration of capitalism has disappeared. But today, on the contrary, the imperialists and the counter-revolutionary forces are trying in every way to overthrow the socialist states. To raise the question of "the withering away" of the state at present means to disarm the working class. On the other hand, we hear of no steps being taken in Yugoslavia to weaken the state. Then, what is the purpose of the preachings of Kardelj and Co.?
The political events of recent times, especially those of Hungary, marked a sharpening of the class struggle on a national and international scale. It should be realized, therefore, how dangerous it is to confuse the working class and the working people and lull them to sleep at this time with "theories" of the negation of the class struggle. The Yugoslav leaders are doing just this. In his latest speech, "assessing" the counter-revolutionary events in Hungary, Edward Kardelj said, "The concept of the process of socialist development only from the point of view of the socialist revolution, that is, from the conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, is an ideological absurdity and a reactionary concept from the political point of view" (speech at the People's Skupshtina of the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia, on December 7, 1956). This means the rejection of the theory of the class struggle which teaches us that historical events should always be viewed from the angle of the conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, from the angle of the class struggle. In line with their negation of the class struggle, the Yugoslav leaders called the fascist counter-revolution in Hungary, the barbarity and reprisals of the Horthyite bands, "a people's revolution". Reading the Yugoslav leaders' speeches and the Yugoslav press, one gets the impression that imperialism, the American plans for the re-establishment of capitalism in our countries, the class struggle, are in general non-existent and are not a problem which should draw the attention of our parties. Not only this, but in their materials even the most ordinary terminology .has undergone a metamorphosis. Thus, for instance, the word "imperialism" is replaced with such terms as "the western policy of blocs" or "the freedom of the western type", and the like. According to the Yugoslav leaders, the danger does not lie in imperialism at all, but in "the conservative and bureaucratic elements", as they call all those parties and leaders who do not agree with the anti-Marxist views of the Yugoslav leaders.
Marxism-Leninism teaches us that during the transition period the class struggle is inevitable. This class struggle is an objective reality which is connected with the existence of the exploiting classes or their remnants, with the existence of agents of imperialism, with the existence of the broad sector of small-scale producers, with the capitalist survivals in people's thinking, and finally, with the very existence of imperialism, hence, of the class struggle on an international scale. Here is what Lenin says in this connection:
"The abolition of classes requires a long, difficult and stubborn struggle, which after the overthrow of capitalist rule, after the destruction of the bourgeois state, after the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, does not disappear... but merely changes its forms, and in many respects becomes fiercer" [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 29, p. 432 (Alb. ed.)].
Life has shown that by strengthening socialism, by increasing its strength, both within the country and on an international scale, the economic basis of the remnants of the exploiting classes is weakened, their political influence is reduced day by day, and even their numerical strength decreases, but the class struggle does not die out...
However, after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the opportunist and liberal elements in certain countries interpreted the problem of the class struggle in a dogmatic and opportunist way. This brought about a relaxation of vigilance, helping the enemies of socialism in those countries which failed to fight these views at the proper time. Our Party has understood and put forward the problem of the class struggle in the correct way. The Central Committee and the organizations of the Party have taken up the cudgels in time against the opportunist manifestations which appeared in some cases among unstable opportunist elements. Our Party put forward correctly that the tendency of the internal enemies of socialism to become weaker and of our own forces to grow stronger has nothing in common with the opportunist views which negate the class struggle, with the hostile views of the type of the Bukharinites who view the period of socialist construction as a period of "peace and harmony" between classes, as a period of "stable equilibrium" in which the class struggle disappears. The Central Committee explained that during this period the class struggle is not always developed in a straight line, it has its turns and zigzags. This is best confirmed by the events of these years, namely, the Berlin provocation in 1953,* that of Poznan in 1956 and, especially, the fascist counter-revolution in Hungary.
III. On Our Relations with Yugoslavia
Albania's experience in its relations with Yugoslavia shows better than the experience of any other country the real attitude of the Yugoslav leaders towards Marxism-Leninism, for in no other country have they interfered so brutally as in Albania. The Yugoslav leadership has maintained an anti-Marxist and chauvinistic attitude towards our Party, our state, and our people. The aim of the Yugoslav leadership has been to turn our Party from a Marxist-Leninist Party into an opportunist one, and to make Albania a republic of the Yugoslav state. This is verified by historical facts which I am listing here briefly:
a) In 1944, on the eve of the liberation of Albania, the Yugoslav leadership, through Velimir Stoinich, interfered in the affairs of our Party and at Berat organized a dangerous faction in order to turn our Party away from the correct Marxist-Leninist line and to overthrow its leadership. The Yugoslav leadership accused the leadership of our Party of having pursued an incorrect, sectarian line of action. But on the basis of this line our people achieved the historic victory over the occupiers and the local reactionaries. The Yugoslav line which Velimir Stoinich sought to impose on us obscured the leading role of the Soviet Union, the leading role of the Party, negated the class struggle, and opened the way to opportunist trends.
After the Berat Plenum, the positions in the party leadership of the anti-party elements like Koçi Xoxe and Sejfulla Malëshova, who supported the move to introduce the Yugoslav "experience", were strengthened. The Yugoslav leadership charged our Party with having unjustly condemned Koçi Xoxe, calling him "a patriot" and "a Marxist". But what had Koçi Xoxe done? He had tried to eliminate the Party, by hiding it and dissolving it in the Front. He had trampled on the most elementary Leninist principles of the structure of the Party. He placed the Party under the control of the organs of State Security: fifteen thousand files on the party members were found in the archives of State Security. The network of State Security organs covered every basic party organization. He had collected compromising material and was preparing a plot for the physical elimination of the members of the leadership of the Party and the state. As Minister for Internal Affairs he violated socialist law in the most brutal manner. He was in agreement with the plans of the Yugoslav leaders to turn Albania into the 7th Republic of Yugoslavia and worked in this direction. If he were alive, far from being rehabilitated, Koçi Xoxe should have been hanged for all these crimes.
The Yugoslav leadership is responsible for Nako Spiru's suicide. In Berat he was involved with Koçi Xoxe and Co. but later he understood what the Yugoslavs were up to and put himself on the right course. Nako lacked the courage to tell the Party the truth, so he killed himself. You know that Nako's suicide complicated matters, and the intrigues of the Yugoslavs and Koçi Xoxe and Co. led to the 8th Plenum*. After this Plenum the doors were flung wide open to the Yugoslav interference.
b) Yugoslavia had established its economic relations with our country on anti-Marxist and colonialist foundations. They were in violation of even the most elementary rules of relations between sovereign countries. In 1946 six Albanian-Yugoslav companies were set up, but the Yugoslav side did not make the investments which they should have done, and simply took the profits from the exploitation of the existing Albanian investments. Establishing the parity of the Albanian currency with the Yugoslav dinar meant a big devaluation of the Albanian franc, which lost at least 3.5 leks for each franc. The customs union paved the way for Yugoslav commercial organizations and private merchants to plunder the stocks of goods in our market. The exchange of goods on the basis of internal prices, and not at international market prices, severely damaged our economy.
A joint commission to co-ordinate plans was set up under the chairmanship of Krajger, a commission which was, in fact, a government above the government of the Albanian state. We have in our possession a document signed by Kidrich, former Chairman of the Planning Commission of Yugoslavia, in which Albania figures as the 7th Republic of Yugoslavia.
The Yugoslav leadership raises a hue and cry about the economic aid Yugoslavia has given Albania, but the figures of this aid are inflated by the high prices of imports. The aid for "the industrialization of Albania" were: the worn-out machinery of the "Ali Kelmendi" sugar refinery in Korça which had been discarded in Yugoslavia, the primitive rope plant in Rogozhina of which nothing remains, and the railway which our heroic youth built. If we draw up a balance of how much the Yugoslavs have taken from us, and we from them, no one knows who will be in debt to whom. But why do the Yugoslavs not utter a single word about the heroic fight of our two divisions which helped liberate Yugoslavia?
c) In 1948 the Yugoslav leadership asked us to allow a number of their divisions to enter Albania, allegedly in order to protect Albania from the aggression of the Greek monarcho-fascists. In reality they wanted to make the occupation of Albania an accomplished fact.
The Yugoslavs' supporters whispered far and wide in favour of the union of Albania with Yugoslavia as its 7th Republic. At the same time, talk began about the Balkan Federation. We wrote to the Yugoslav leadership asking them to explain their stand in connection with this problem but never received a reply.
d) During this period, the Yugoslav leaders tried to isolate our country from the Soviet Union, claiming that Albania should receive Soviet aid and experience only through Yugoslavia, that the Yugoslav experience was valuable in the conditions of Albania while that of the Soviet Union was not suitable, that the Soviet advisers should leave. Especially after the 8th Plenum, the Yugoslav advisers pushed themselves in everywhere and worked against the development of our economy with a view to making it directly dependent on Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav leaders sought to isolate Albania from all the world. In fact, we did not have economic relations with any other country except Yugoslavia – even with the Soviet Union they were limited. Up to 1948 we had diplomatic relations only with the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Hungary, and France.
The letters of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the 1948 Resolution of the Information Bureau helped our Party see through the intentions of the Yugoslav leadership towards our Party and our country.
The principled criticism of the Yugoslav leaders has been correct. Even the present views of the Yugoslav leaders prove this.
During the period from 1948 to 1953 we wrote and acted against each other, both they and we. It is not right to conclude from this that during this period we were in the wrong. They were acting against our Republic in every way. They sent in hundreds of diversionists and armed groups, apart from the 1949 Greek provocations*. No enemy state has carried out activity more furiously against our country than that which the Yugoslav leaders undertook after 1948.
As we all know, the leadership of the Soviet Union took the initiative to improve relations* with Yugoslavia and made every effort to this end. At that time we proposed that, before they commenced the Belgrade talks, a meeting should be held of the Information Bureau which in 1948 had decided to expel Yugoslavia, and that the Yugoslav issue should be analysed, pointing out the merits and defects, both theirs and those of the Information Bureau. We think that this would have been correct because it would not have allowed the Yugoslav leaders to cover up their mistakes and throw all the blame on our countries and emerge as the standard-bearers of the situation.
As a matter of fact they abused the initiative of the Soviet Union. They made no self-criticism at all, because allegedly they were Marxists. They should have made self-criticism, and this should have been demanded of them. They took advantage of the new situation in order to undertake divisive and undermining activities against the parties and states of people's democracy. The Yugoslav legations in the people's democracies became centres of espionage; they began to gather up anti-party, opportunist, and wavering elements, and under the banner of "de-Stalinization" turned them loose against the parties to overthrow the Marxist-Leninist leaders of our parties and replace them with their supporters, to replace the correct line with the Titoite line. They also collaborated with enemy elements, as for instance, in Bulgaria, with the former Minister of Interior of the pre-liberation Bulgarian bourgeois government. After the Hungarian events, the features of the Yugoslav leaders emerged much more clearly.
Our Party maintained a correct stand. We declared we were ready to improve our relations on a Marxist- Leninist basis, not on the old anti-Marxist basis (let bygones be bygones). But our attitude was not to the liking of the Yugoslav leaders because they sought to repeat the 1948 situation; they demanded that we make concessions in principles: 1) that we should say that the Yugoslavs had made no mistakes; 2) that we should rehabilitate Koçi Xoxe, and so on. We could never do this. This would not have been Marxist, this would have been betrayal of our Party and our homeland.
Meanwhile, the Yugoslav leaders have carried on their feverish efforts against our Party and our state. They can never reconcile themselves to the leadership of our Party and our state. They want to replace this leadership, which courageously defends Marxism-Leninism, the Party, and the independence of our country, with some clique of opportunist adventurers, to force on our Party "the Yugoslav line" and to turn Albania into the 7th Republic of Yugoslavia.
They are continuing their campaign of wild propaganda in the press and on the radio against our country, describing the situation in Albania as a hell in which terror and poverty reign.
The Yugoslav legation in Tirana has tried and continues to try to recruit agents, to rake up anti-Party elements and to organize the struggle against our Party. In the spring of 1956, through its legation in Tirana, the Yugoslav leadership gathered up the enemies of the Party, Dali Ndreu, Liri Gega, and others, and prepared a plot aimed at overthrowing the leadership of our Party and of our state and replacing them with the enemies of the Party. They organized the hostile work at the Party Conference of the city of Tirana, but the Party detected this hostile activity and immediately took the necessary measures.
The Yugoslav Minister in Tirana himself, Arso Milatovich, conducts propaganda and speaks against the policy and the situation of the People's Republic of Albania and our state, against the leadership of our Party, incites weak elements into hostile anti-state and anti-party activity, and engages in activities of espionage. For this purpose he has tried, through pressure or other means, to use the Yugoslav citizens who have long been settled in Albania, with whom he maintains active contact, elements hostile to the Party and the people's power, various individuals who go to the Yugoslav legation on official business, or whom he picks up in his car while travelling through Albania. Contrary to the official regulations governing the circulation of foreign diplomats in our country, he has gone to Vlora without the corresponding permit, where, abusing the hospitality of a patriot family, he tried to extract information of a political and military character on the naval base on Sazan island. Likewise, he has gone to Berat and photographed prohibited military installations and has asked to meet Tuk Jakova.
A serious matter is the fact that more than 3,000 Albanian fugitives, including many fascist criminals, have found refuge in Yugoslavia. Taking into account the development of events in Hungary, we have the right to think that by means of them provocations may be organized for the purpose of finding a pretext to attack Albania. During the most tragic moments in Hungary, Vidich, Under-secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Yugoslavia, said to the press attaches of Bulgaria, Albania, Czechoslovakia, and others, "Wait a little. What happened in Hungary will certainly happen to you, too". Therefore, our Party is obliged to be very vigilant towards the Yugoslav leadership.
The Yugoslav leaders maintain a chauvinist and inhuman attitude towards the population of Kosova. The situation in that province is deplorable; the Yugoslav leaders are pursuing a policy of extermination there. Tens of thousands of Kosova people are compelled to leave their land and homes and emigrate to Turkey. Not even the Kings of Serbia pursued such a policy. They are doing their utmost to turn Kosova into a base against Albania, into a base to unite Albania with Yugoslavia through Kosova.
Day by day the Yugoslav press in Kosova and Metohia carry on vile, slanderous propaganda against our Party and our People's Republic, which even "the Voice of America" might envy. We pose the question: Why this vicious propaganda, especially in Kosova and Metohia, against the people's power in Albania? How long will such filth continue to flow in the sewers of the Yugoslav press? It is clear to us what the Yugoslav leaders are after. They think they can deceive the Albanians in Kosova about the reality of our country, but even if there are such deceived people, our press has the internationalist duty to enlighten those who have been deceived by filthy nationalist, chauvinist, and fascist propaganda.
Our Party has always maintained a correct attitude to the question of Kosova, a Marxist, internationalist attitude. But we cannot fail to point out the chauvinist attitude of the Yugoslav leadership in Kosova in order to confirm once again that it is in an anti-Marxist and inhuman position towards the Albanians of Kosova.
Comrades, in conclusion, we can say that the attitude of the Yugoslav leaders towards our country is blatantly anti-Marxist and chauvinist, that during these 13 years they have systematically interfered in the internal affairs of our Party and our state for the purpose of carrying out their colonialist schemes towards our country. These schemes have failed, thanks to the determined stand of our Party. This is what makes the Yugoslav leaders attack Albania more furiously than they do the other countries. One other reason why the Yugoslav leaders fight our Party so fiercely is because Albania is the proof of their anti-Marxist and chauvinistic stand, which confirms that all their theses on non-intervention, equality, and so on, are sheer demagogy. And they want to eliminate witnesses which bear this out, just as the murderer tries to wipe out the traces of his crime.
The report showed what the present Yugoslav leaders represent. They are in an anti-Marxist position, trying to revise Marxism-Leninism, playing a splitting role within the ranks of the international communist movement and the socialist camp, interfering in the internal affairs of the parties to do away with their leaders, in order to undermine the communist and workers' parties and to impose the so-called Yugoslav line. Just how dangerous the dissemination of their poisonous "theories" and their hostile activity have become is attested by the many facts we have mentioned, including their hostile activity towards our country and their role in the development of events in Hungary. They are trying to incite the revisionist elements in Poland, to activize the opportunist elements of the Italian Communist Party, and to penetrate wherever they find a loophole. They are very active.
The anti-Marxist, disruptive, and hostile activity, which the Yugoslav leaders are pursuing, parallel with the aggressive activity of the imperialists against the socialist camp, constitutes a major peril for the whole workers' movement. Objectively, this activity serves the schemes of imperialism. It is a known fact that the US imperialists have given Yugoslavia 1,200 million US dollars, not prompted by their desire to help the construction of socialism, but because they hope to use Yugoslavia against the socialist camp. The ideological degeneration of the Yugoslav leadership has been going on ever since 1948, and a generation of cadres has grown up there with an attitude hostile towards the Soviet Union and our socialist camp.
It would be a great mistake to underestimate the damage the divisive work of the Yugoslav leaders can cause, thinking that they are not very strong. Their strength lies in the fact that they are anti-Marxists, therefore, their "theories" and "activities" are supported by all the opportunist and wavering elements, by all the enemies of socialism. In a way they have achieved some results which, although temporary, have done a lot of damage to the cause of socialism, as in Hungary.
What stand should we maintain towards them? We think they will not return to the Marxist-Leninist course. We say this with full conviction because the lessons we have drawn these last thirteen years have taught us not to believe their lies and demagogy which have aimed at destroying our Marxist Party and our people's power. Marxists may make mistakes, but when they recognize their mistakes they turn about and follow the right course. The present Yugoslav leaders are not Marxists, because, far from making any turn, they are intensifying their anti-Marxist activity. You only have to read in the "Borba" the article on their coming Congress to draw the conclusion that this congress will sum up the anti-Marxist and revisionist theory of a party in power to lay down a line which, according to them, should be followed by all parties and all countries. Time and the activities of the Yugoslav leaders so far have not proven that we have been mistaken in our opinions. Let time and their future activities prove that these views have been wrong, and as Marxists we shall be ready, as always, to admit that our judgment on the Yugoslavs has not been correct.
While taking all these things into account in our stand towards the Yugoslav leadership, we should always be guided by Marxist-Leninist principles, making no concessions, and not allowing any violation of them, while always having in mind the general interests of the international communist movement and of our country.
We do not wish to have party relations with them on these terms, but we shall strive to guard and strengthen the sentiments of sincere friendship with the Yugoslav peoples; we shall continue our course of normalizing and improving state relations between our country and Yugoslavia, on the principles of equality and non-interference in our internal affairs.
We should be on our guard against the Yugoslav leaders and all their attempts. Far from toning down our ideological struggle against their revisionist views, we shall further intensify it, with a view to tearing off the mask of demagogy and stopping the destructive work of the anti-Marxist elements who are trying to poison our parties and countries with alien theories, to turn us away from the correct Marxist-Leninist course, to split the socialist camp and the international communist movement. Therefore, the stand against them should be firm, principled, unwavering, without any illusions, because concessions and liberalism can bring nothing but damage to our cause.
On the other hand, we should always be coolheaded in our relations with Yugoslavia, not descend to provocations, but we must criticize the Yugoslav leadership in a principled way, wage an ideological and political campaign against them and inform our Party and our people about the real situation in Yugoslavia and the disastrous consequence of the so-called Yugoslav line.
The campaign which imperialism launched in order to change the way events are developing and improve its position has failed.
This has been a difficult period for the international workers' movement. Lenin said that the revolutionary movement is not the Nevski Prospect. The aim of the combined assault of the imperialists, the fascist reactionary forces, and the revisionists, was to split the unity of the socialist camp and the international communist movement.
We have been going through critical moments, with rapid and unexpected developments. This period has been a hard test for every party, for every communist. Our Party passed this test with success; it maintained a completely correct, unwavering Marxist-Leninist stand. The Political Bureau and the government have measured up to the situation. The necessary political, military, security, and economic measures were taken to consolidate the internal situation, the defence potential, and to further improve the well-being of the people. The Political Bureau took the necessary steps to explain to the Party and to combat the revisionist views of the Yugoslav leaders and others. The whole Party and the people firmly denounced the enemy activities and views, and backed the policy of the Party with unprecedented enthusiasm. The unity of the Party, its bonds with the masses, the readiness, enthusiasm and mobilization of the communists, of the people, and of youth have never been so strong. At those moments when the imperialists were threatening the independence of new Albania, even wavering intellectual or middle class elements came closer to the Party, because they saw it as the resolute and loyal defender of the most vital interests of our people. The great enthusiasm with which the 15th anniversary of the founding of the Party of Labour of Albania was celebrated and the brilliant results of the elections of the people's councils, are undeniable proof of the love and unwavering confidence of the masses for the Party and the people's power.
The correct stand maintained by our Party, the unwavering correct stand of our people at these moments, are a major victory for us and certainly are a source of rejoicing for us and all our friends. Our Party is relatively young and of not a very high cultural and theoretical level. The Party has made real mistakes, as for instance, in economic and other problems, and there may be mistakes of this nature in the future. But the various deviationists have not been able to turn our Party off its tracks. They have been discovered in time and have been fought with determination. On the main questions, on the questions of the defence of Marxism-Leninism, of the Soviet Union, the socialist camp, the interests of the working masses and the independence of our country, and in the struggle against our enemies, we have not made mistakes and we will not do so. And this is due to our Party's unbounded loyalty to Marxism-Leninism, and its steel-like unity.
From the development of these events, comrades, our Party should draw great lessons. What are our tasks?
In the first place, we should strive to strengthen the unity of the socialist camp under the banner of proletarian internationalism, under the banner of Marxism-Leninism. We should fight with determination against any attempt to divide the socialist camp and the international communist movement.
In our attitude towards capitalist states, we should bear in mind, first, that the states of the socialist camp should enhance their vigilance and preparedness, their economic and military strength in the struggle against the aggressive plans of imperialism. This does not mean that we shall give up the policy of easing international tension. If need be we shall also respond to the imperialists with weapons (we should always be strong and ready for this), but we should resolutely press on with the easing of international tension, and must try to defend the peace. The objective situation of the ratio of forces in the world makes this possible. The vital interests of our peoples who have taken upon themselves to build socialism, the interests of all the peoples of the world demand this. But we shall succeed in carrying out this policy only if we are strong and united to a man. The strength and unity of the socialist camp is the principal factor defending the peace, the freedom of peoples, and the progress of mankind. It is our duty to sharpen our vigilance against the class enemy who is working in every way against the order of people's democracy and awaiting the chance to strike at it. Increasing the Party's vigilance, strengthening its links with the masses, are powerful means of combating the enemies, of preventing them from harming the people's democratic order in the least. Any weakening of our democratic order is a concession made to the enemy. Therefore, the consolidation of our people's power, which plays the role of the dictatorship of the proletariat, is the present main task.
The principal task of the Party is to strengthen its ideological, organizational, and political unity, to strengthen and raise to a higher level its leading role in the struggle to build the new socialist society. The unity of our Party should be strengthened and guarded like the apple of our eye, because that is the foundation of its power. Unity in the leadership of the Party, unity in the whole Party, has always been steel-like. All the deviationists and enemies of the Party who have attempted to weaken this steel-like unity have been immediately and unanimously eliminated like mangy goats. The strength of this unity has constantly increased. During the turbulent and perilous moments of recent times, the unity of the whole Party round the Central Committee and its Political Bureau has been brilliant, steel-like and invincible. We must preserve and strengthen this steel-like unity, the genuine guarantee of the victories of the Party and of the people in a Marxist way.
In the present circumstances, the stepping-up of the ideological struggle against revisionist and anti-Marxist views, the intensification of the struggle in defence of Marxism-Leninism, are of primary importance. In the struggle against socialism the anti-Marxist, opportunist and revisionist elements play a major role. It is a known fact that, under given conditions and at different moments, priority is given to one form of the class struggle or another. Under the present conditions, it is the ideological struggle that must take precedence. Therefore, the work of the Party for the political and ideological education of the members of the Party and of all the masses assumes primary importance, of course, without neglecting its work in other directions. In our days, the enemies of Marxism usually work under false colours; they dress up their revisionist and opportunist activity with Left phraseology, with "Marxist" slogans. Therefore our vigilance, too, must be even more keen. Let us always keep in mind the immortal words of Lenin:
"...put no faith in phrase-mongering, it is better to see who stands to gain" [V.I. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 19, p. 37 (Alb. ed.)].
The defence of Marxism-Leninism today demands, first of all, that the anti-Marxist and revisionist propaganda of the Yugoslav leaders must be exposed and combated. The ideological struggle should in no way be underestimated, because the poison of alien ideology is employed by the enemies of socialism to disarm the working class. Recent events confirm what great damage the working class can suffer when the ideological battle is slackened in the slightest, what great advantage the enemy takes from the impermissible negligence in this field.
All the forces of the Party and the masses should be mobilized to accomplish the state plan, for in this way we are also consolidating the internal political situation and increasing the strength of our country. Our people's economy is developing from day to day. Last year saw important successes. Total industrial production was realized 102.2 per cent, and the construction sector realized its plan 105 per cent. In state and cooperative trade, as well as in the transport sector which did not realize the plan, the results must be considered unsatisfactory. Agriculture, which occupies an important place in our economy, marked a significant turning point as regards collectivization, but it must be admitted that production, in spite of the increase over that of the previous agricultural year, did not achieve the planned level. This creates serious difficulties for our economy. Thus, this year we are obliged to import more grain, cotton and fats than ever before. Last year was not a good one for agriculture, but the pronounced weaknesses in this sector are also due to the fact that this important branch of our economy is still managed in a superficial and bureaucratic way. Our tasks for the realization of the 1957 plan are great and important. We should resolutely reject the method of management in general and tackle the cardinal problems of our economy, strengthen our state apparatus, fight bureaucracy and all other shortcomings. The political-organizational work of the Party and mass organizations must be strengthened as well as that of all the organs of propaganda in order to ensure the effective mobilization of all the working masses for the realization of the plan.
Our Party will fight with all its strength to fulfil these major tasks. Loyal to the end to Marxism-Leninism, it will continue to march ahead along the road to socialism.
First published in the newspaper "Zeri i popullit" N°41 (2628), February 17, 1957
Works, vol. 14
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